The inaugural ball was kept secret from the public. Even before he called for his first cabinet meeting, he instead hit the ground running by ordering his communications lieutenants to keep the media away from two lavish parties he had hosted вЂ“ his inaugural ball and the 93 rd birthday bash of his convicted mother, the former first lady. In fact, the Marcos penchant for pomp and pageantry, power and perks began the minute they restored themselves in MalacaГ±ang.

The destruction to our already tribalist culture as Filipinos cannot be underestimated.

Just a few days into office, the new Marcos administration has effectively shown signs that it will sustain the dirty Duterte playbook of employing trolls to whitewash whatever inefficiencies it may manifest in its public performance. There is ample empirical reason to believe that his administration used troll armies to fend off criticisms against it. It was as if he was in campaign mode for all of the six years he was in power. Netizens know this: in the six years Duterte was in office, apologist trolls continued operating even after he had won in 2016. That was because trolls who twisted the real narrative into the fake always protected his malfeasant governance. He was seen as one who understood the plight of the common man, or so the myth had narrated.ДЄfter six years in office when he left a trail of unaccountable corruption, oligarchic cronyism, a ballooning foreign debt, a congress of pork-fattened legislators who catered to his piques, and a lazy attitude in the performance of his office, Duterte still recorded a high popularity rating in surveys even though the myth was there for all to see as a fakery. But just as critical citizenship had arrived, it was further redefined when trolls changed the political landscape.ДЄ very active myth-making factory portrayed Rodrigo Duterte as a plain-speaking maverick to the established traditional political order, empowering his rise to power. Netizens can air their gripes and call for redress through social media. There is such a thing now as online citizenship that the era of the Internet had redefined. It has become possible today for activist citizenship to call out the social and political order without need for street protests, yet can see exponential growth across society. When some from Classes D and E have access to internet data from their mobile phones, social media has arrived. Today, collective public thought may not necessarily be harnessed only through radio. Appealing on the people to surround Camps Crame and Aguinaldo in 1986, Jaime Cardinal Sin sounded out that clarion call from Radio Veritas, and thus was born the People Power Revolution at EDSA.

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